Latest Eskom outages stress need for alternative energy

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Latest Eskom outages stress need for alternative energy

But, can renewable energy provide the answer?

(Published in MINING April/May 2014 )

By Stef Terblanche

South Africa’s embattled power utility Eskom recently resorted to electricity load shedding for the first time since 2008, raising the gloomy spectre of revisiting the costly power outages and production shut-downs of that fateful year.

This also rekindled the debate on what needs to be done, or whether enough is being done to prevent future power shortages, especially in the mining and other industries that are heavy users of electricity.

One issue that immediately put up its hand for discussion was the use of renewable energy by the mining industry. Questions arose such as whether this option was being embraced by the industry, or whether it really was an option, one that could offer an alternative source of affordable and reliable energy.

It appears that both the debate and a journey of further discovery may still have some distance to go.

(Afrikaans article published in De Kat July/August 2014 edition)

Twee dekades van opspraakwekkende moorde

Stef Terblanche

Kameras flits met die aankoms van die konvooi motors. Die skare beur vorentoe om die moord-beskuldigde te sien as hy die stampvol hof onder polisie begeleiding binnestap. Plaaslike en buitelandse joernaliste maak koorsagtig aantekeninge.

Dié toneel speel hom nie af by Oscar Pistorius se moordverhoor nie. Ook nie by dié van Shrien Dewani of die jeugdige Griekwastadse gesinsmoordenaar nie.

Nee, die jaar is 1961, die plek die Kaapstadse Hooggeregshof, en die nuuskieriges is daar vir die verhoor van die 23-jarige Marthinus Rossouw. Hy word daarvan beskuldig dat hy teen betaling die aantreklike en flambojante 36-jarige baron Dieter Joachim Gunther von Schauroth met twee koeëls deur die nek vermoor het.

Al is die gemiddeld 5,000 moorde per jaar in Suid-Afrika tussen 1960 en 1980 aansienlik minder as die huidige sowat 16,000 moorde per jaar was dit tog ’n era van buitengewoon baie opspraakwekkende moordsake.

(Afrikaans article published in De Kat July/August 2014 edition)

Twee dekades van opspraakwekkende moorde

Stef Terblanche

Kameras flits met die aankoms van die konvooi motors. Die skare beur vorentoe om die moord-beskuldigde te sien as hy die stampvol hof onder polisie begeleiding binnestap. Plaaslike en buitelandse joernaliste maak koorsagtig aantekeninge.

Dié toneel speel hom nie af by Oscar Pistorius se moordverhoor nie. Ook nie by dié van Shrien Dewani of die jeugdige Griekwastadse gesinsmoordenaar nie.

Nee, die jaar is 1961, die plek die Kaapstadse Hooggeregshof, en die nuuskieriges is daar vir die verhoor van die 23-jarige Marthinus Rossouw. Hy word daarvan beskuldig dat hy teen betaling die aantreklike en flambojante 36-jarige baron Dieter Joachim Gunther von Schauroth met twee koeëls deur die nek vermoor het.

Al is die gemiddeld 5,000 moorde per jaar in Suid-Afrika tussen 1960 en 1980 aansienlik minder as die huidige sowat 16,000 moorde per jaar was dit tog ’n era van buitengewoon baie opspraakwekkende moordsake.

So het Suid-Afrikaners in die sewentigerjare daagliks hul koerante verslind om die skokkende onthullings in die berugte skêrmoord-verhoor in Kaapstad te volg.

Die pragtige rooikop Marlene Lehnberg het as 16-jarige by haar eerste werk in die ortopediese afdeling van die Rooikruis Kinderhospitaal verlief geraak op Christiaan van der Linde, byna dertig jaar haar senior. Komende uit ’n liefdelose en streng ouerhuis het sy aangetrokke gevoel tot hierdie sjarmante vaderfiguur, al was hy getroud. Oor die volgende twee jaar het hul verhouding vinnig gegroei.

Toe Van der Linde nie sy vrou Susanna vir haar wou los nie, het Lehnberg die 33-jarige werklose kreupel, Marthinus Choegoe, om hulp genader. Met beloftes van geld, drank en seks het sy Choegoe oortuig om haar om die lewe te bring.

Na verskeie mislukte pogings – waartydens Choegoe selfs eenkeer deur sy slagoffer buite haar huis gewaar en deur die polisie verwyder is - het Lehnberg uit haar werk bedank, haar motor gepak en vir Choegoe die oggend van 4 November 1974 by sy huis gaan haal. Saam het hulle Susanna van der Linde in haar huis in Boston, Bellville verras en haar gewurg, geslaan en met ’n skêr doodgesteek. Lehnberg het na Johannesburg verkas maar is kort voor lank deur die polisie aangekeer en het ’n bekentenis gedoen.

In die daaropvolgende verhoor het honderde mense daagliks gestoei om ’n sitplek in die stampvol hof te bekom. In Maart 1975 word beide die doodstraf opgelê, maar die appèlhof is hulle genadig. Na elf jaar in die tronk is albei in 1986 vrygelaat. Om naby sy vermoorde vrou se graf te wees, het Christiaan van der Linde na Krugersdorp verhuis waar hy in 1983 eensaam en alleen oorlede is.

Nog ’n vrou wat destyds vir verbode liefde gemoor het, was die 34-jarige Sonjia Swanepoel. In 1971 het sy en haar minnaar, Frans Vontsteen, haar man, die Springbok-atleet en polisieman Cois Swanepoel, met sy eie diensrewolwer doodgeskiet het. Hul “volmaakte moord” – met ’n skyninbraak, die vooraf verspreiding van vals inligting, waterdigte alibi’s en oortuigende toneelspel – het gou uitgerafel en hulle is aangekeer. Sonjia het 15 jaar tronkstraf gekry en Vontsteen moes hang.

Net soos in die veelbesproke selfbeplande, bygestaande moord van die korrupte mynmagnaat Brett Kebble in 2005, het beide baron Von Schauroth in 1961 en Albert Jackson in 1967 hul eie moorde gereël. In albei gevalle is groot lewenspolisse uitgeneem met hul weduwees as die begunstigdes.

Die verhoor van Rossouw, die baron se “vriend” en “lyfwag”, het destyds gesorg vir ’n internasionale mediasirkus en ’n daaglikse volgepakte hofsaal. Vir die eerste keer moes ’n hof besluit of ’n bygestaande selfmoord wel moord is. Die legendariese Regter Andrew Beyers het beslis dit is moord sonder versagtende omstandighede al het die oorledene dit self bestel. Rossouw is op 20 Junie 1962 tereggestel, 13 dae voordat hy sy vooruitgedateerde tjek van R2,300 – betaling van die baron vir die moord - kon wissel. Heelwat raaisels is nooit opgeklaar nie, soos die klomp diamante wat by die baron se lyk langs die Malmesbury-pad buite Kaapstad gevind is.

In Jackson se geval ses jaar later het die appèlhof wel bevind dat Jackson se wens om te sterf as versagting kon dien. Die  doodsvonnisse van sy vrou en twee handlangers is na tronkstraf verander.

Dan was daar ook heelwat “politieke moorde” wat wêreldwyd groot aandag getrek het. In die vroeë sestigerjare het Poqo se terreurbestaan en vlaag moorde, en John Harris se stasiebom in Johannesburg, opslae gemaak.

Die mees opspraakwekkende was egter die moord in 1966 op Suid-Afrika se eerste minister, Dr. Hendrik Verwoerd, toe hy in die Parlement in Kaapstad deur ’n bode met ’n mes doodgesteek is. Sy moordenaar, Demitrio Tsafendas, is onbevoeg verklaar om verhoor te word en sterf jare later in die ouderdom van 81 in die Sterkfontein psigiatriese hospitaal. 

Elf jaar na Verwoerd sterf ook die swartbewussyns-leier Steve Biko na erge aanranding en marteling in polisie-aanhouding. In 1999 verwerp die Waarheidskommissie die vyf betrokke polisiemanne se aansoek om amnestie vir die moord, maar omdat die misdaad reeds verjaar het, kan hulle nie vervolg word nie.

Of die dubbele moord op Dr. Robert Smit en sy vrou, Jean- Cora, in 1977 op Springs aan die Oos-Rand ’n politieke moord was, sal ons dalk nooit weet nie. Dit was wel een van die raaiselagtigste moorde.

Smit, ’n briljante ekonoom, was die destydse Nasionale Party se nuwe “goue seun” en parlementêre kandidaat vir Springs in die 1977 verkiesing. Hy was voorheen werksaam by die Internasionale Monetêre Fonds en by Santam Internasionaal, ’n frontorganisasie vir valutatransaksies vir Suid-Afrika se destydse geheime wapenaankope. Daar is destyds bespiegel of hy “te veel geweet het” of dalk iets wou oopvlek. Hy en sy vrou word in hul huis, waar Smit ’n geheimsinnige “Mnr. MacDougall” moes ontmoet, doodgeskiet. Die moordenaar/s verf die letters “RAU TEM” op ’n muur. Ondanks ’n omvattende, jare-lange speurondersoek bly die moord onopgelos.

In 1975 word die Johannesburgse bendeleier Denis Holmes in ’n bende-skietgeveg verlam. Die daaropvolgende jaar word wraak geneem. Na ’n nag van seks en dwelms, vermoor Holmes, Budwa Thomas en Xavier Tanse Leisher eers twee prostitute, Debbie Relling (21) en Irma Keulder (24) en daarna die “opium koning”  Johnny Karam. Na hul arrestasie word Holmes staatsgetuie,  Thomas kry nege jaar en Leisher die doodstraf. Na drie jaar in die dodesel word Leisher begenadig en bring nog agt jaar in  die gevangenis deur.

Waarskynlik een van die mees ontroerende moorde van daardie era was dié op twee laerskoolmaatjies, Kosie Breedt en Johan Lubbe wat in April 1978 verdwyn het terwyl hulle in Hillbrow geld vir hul skool ingesamel het. Na ’n soektog van tien dae is die twee se verlepte en verminkte lykies tussen kosmosblomme by ’n spruit in die voorstad Windsorpark gekry. Hul moordenaar is nooit gevang nie.

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Latest Eskom outages stress need for alternative energy

But, can renewable energy provide the answer?

(Published in MINING April/May 2014 )

By Stef Terblanche

South Africa’s embattled power utility Eskom recently resorted to electricity load shedding for the first time since 2008, raising the gloomy spectre of revisiting the costly power outages and production shut-downs of that fateful year.

This also rekindled the debate on what needs to be done, or whether enough is being done to prevent future power shortages, especially in the mining and other industries that are heavy users of electricity.

One issue that immediately put up its hand for discussion was the use of renewable energy by the mining industry. Questions arose such as whether this option was being embraced by the industry, or whether it really was an option, one that could offer an alternative source of affordable and reliable energy.

It appears that both the debate and a journey of further discovery may still have some distance to go.

Mining veteran and consultant at Cadiz Corporate Solutions Peter Major was quick to point out that Eskom’s latest round of load shedding would further strain the relationship between government and the big mining companies, while again highlighting the need for South Africa to give much more thought to investing in renewable energy sources.

South Africa / Politics / Elections

Highest potential for violence and fraud in an SA election since 1994
By Stef Terblanche

(Published in/on AIC Monday Briefing, The Intelligence Bulletin, Polity.org and I-Net Bridge)

       

South Africa’s first democratic elections were held without incident in 1994 despite serious turmoil and violence in the two months preceding it. Since then three more free, fair and peaceful general elections have been held without incident. But now, for the first time since 1994, electoral violence, unfair practices and election fraud threaten the integrity  of South Africa’s fifth democratic elections.

Historical context

Looking back it seems like a sheer miracle that South Africa’s first fully democratic elections were at all able to take place on April 27, 1994. In the four years leading up to the 1994 elections, some 14,000 people had died. 

But it was especially the last two months preceding those elections that were marked by all-round turmoil such as -

–   obstructive party political squabbles and stand-offs;

–   massive public demonstrations, labour strikes and marches;

–   violence and turmoil in the black “homelands” and “independent” Bantustans of Qua-Qua, Bophuthatswana, KwaZulu, Ciskei and Transkei;

–   an “invasion” of Bophuthatswana by the right-wing Afrikaner-Weerstandsbeweging;

–   spiralling violence between the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) and African National Congress (ANC) in KwaZulu-Natal;

–   several car bombs exploding including one in central Johannesburg that killed 9 people and injured scores;

–   the Shell House massacre when IFP supporters marched on the ANC national headquarters in Johannesburg;

–   civil war in townships on the East Rand, and more.

For a more comprehensive reminder of this nightmare period, Wikipedia has published a day-to-list of these events .

Despite the violence  and turmoil, even the integrity of the elections could have been seriously questioned as there was no formal voters’ roll and voters merely had to present an official identity document, or in its place temporary identity papers or homeland travel documents – issued without a reliable confirmation system - to be able to vote. This of course invited gross irregularities.

Nonetheless, over a three-day voting period (the main election day being April 27) South Africans elected their first fully democratic government without any serious incident. And in the month after the April 1994 elections, deaths due to political violence fell by more than 60% , thereafter disappearing altogether.

By far the majority of South Africans accepted the outcome of the 1994 elections, as did the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) and international observers. South Africa returned to peace, stability and prosperity, paving the way for the holding of further completely violence-free and fair general elections in 1999, 2004 and 2009. Several local government elections were also held in-between.

Now, on the eve of South Africa’s 5th fully democratic general election, the spectre of irregularities, abuse of state resources and political violence is back again, although nowhere near the scale of what it was before the 1994 elections.

2014 context: political violence

The spectre of potential election violence in 2014 was brought home recently when the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) led by Julius Malema went to Nkandla, the rural home of President Jacob Zuma, to deliver a home to a neighbour of Zuma. Police had to escort Malema and arrested several members of an ANC crowd that became threatening and violent.

It seemed a repeat was  on the cards when Malema and the EFF unveiled their election manifesto at an event that drew an estimated 30,000 to 50,000 supporters at Thembisa near Johannesburg .

In what appeared to be an attempt to undermine the success of the EFF launch the ANC organised, through its youth wing, a music concert less than a  kilometre away. Several high profile leaders addressed the 10,000 odd supporters, hurling a variety of arguably inflammatory insults at Malema and the EFF.

Beforehand both parties said their members were disciplined and would not instigate any violence, but most commentators in the media anticipated that violent clashes were very likely. Large numbers of police were nervously on stand-by and able to keep the peace…this time.

Not so fortunate was the Democratic Alliance (DA) when 6,000 of its members recently staged a “march for real jobs” to the ANC’s headquarters in Johannesburg where ANC supporters armed with rocks and bricks were waiting for them. A large police contingent stopped the march a block away from the ANC headquarters and were then attacked by the ANC supporters. Police fired stun grenades and arrested several ANC supporters.

“Clashes between the police and ANC supporters attempting to confront a DA protest march head-on paint a worrying picture for political tolerance less than three months before South Africa’s fifth general election,” wrote Business Day.

Many news reports and recent independent research are suggesting that ANC supporters/members are actively displaying the most intolerance and use of violence to intimidate opposition parties and disrupt their activities. In recent months ANC members/supporters on numerous occasions have openly and violently attacked gatherings, marches and other events of the DA, the EFF, and AgangSA.

Political violence has also been on the increase in KwaZulu-Natal, but this time between the IFP and its breakaway off-shoot, the National Freedom Party (NFP). A number of people from both parties have died or been injured in the past few months.

And, according to a Daily News report migrant worker hostels in the province are again a major part of the political violence, as they were in the early 1990s.

KwaZulu-Natal MEC for Community Safety and Liaison, Willies Mchunu, the NFP leader Zanele kaMagwaza-Msibi, and IFP leader Mangosuthu Buthelezi, among others, have all expressed their serious concern.

Meanwhile, in the past three months increasingly violent service delivery protests have also escalated around the country, with an estimated 32 protests taking place each day. These too have direct relevance to the current election campaigning in South Africa, as was also intimated by the Gauteng Local Government and Housing MEC, Ntombi Mekgwe, according to an SABC news report.

Undoubtedly these protests contribute  to creating a volatile and highly charged atmosphere ahead of the May 7 elections.

In townships around the country protesting residents prevented officials of the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) from registering voters, chased away ANC officials, forced the closure of IEC registration facilities and/or burnt down IEC facilities. There were also warnings that people would be prevented from voting on May 7.

2014 context: free and fair elections

While political violence in the run-up to this year’s elections is already a factor, so too are a number of developments that impact directly on just how free and fair the elections will be.

Firstly there appears to be blatant abuse by the ANC of its position as government and of state resources to give it a highly unfair election advantage. The ANC has hijacked government functions and arguably turned them into party political rallies as it did, for example, at a recent event for investors in Saldanha. Opposition leaders like the DA’s Helen Zille have lodged serious protests over this trend.

In addition the SABC is being unashamedly used as an ANC mouthpiece. First it provided a live broadcast of several hours of the launch of the ANC’s election manifesto, a consideration not given to any of the other political parties. Then it started broadcasting live the business breakfasts organised by the pro-ANC, Gupta family-owned newspaper, The New Age, at which prominent ANC leaders, including President Zuma, have been the speakers.

Furthermore, advertisements of state departments have appeared regularly on SABC TV in recent months, presented in ANC colours and boasting of past government achievements in texts almost identical to clauses in the ANC’s election manifesto.

ANC leaders who do not hold any government positions have been afforded police blue-light convoys while on electioneering business. Late last year government-built RDP houses were handed out to voters in the Tlokwe by-elections by the ANC.

Of equal concern is the role of the IEC. It was accused by the DA and AgangSA  of irregularities in its management of the infamous Tlokwe by-elections late last year.

This led to AgangSA’s director of communication, Mark Peach, issuing  a statement published on Politicsweb recently in which he inter alia stated: “Events surrounding the Tlokwe 2013 by-elections where alleged impropriety by IEC electoral officers including refusal to register independent candidates to protect the ANC from competition, has raised serious questions about the independence and reliability as an agent of free and fair elections. 

“In addition the cloud hanging over the Chair of the IEC, Ms Pansy Tlakula following the findings of the Public Protector that she acted improperly in the procurement of the lease of the current IEC Head Quarters, makes her an inappropriate custodian of free and fair elections.  We need a higher level of integrity in the IEC for us to have greater confidence that the election this year will be safeguarded to ensure that it is free and fair.”

Questions that are being raised include practices involving the IEC allegedly not stamping the back of ballot papers; teachers from the ANC-aligned South African Democratic Teachers Union being use as monitors at election stations; and questions over the ballot paper printing processes, numbering the ballot papers and protecting the 5-10% excess ballot papers that will be printed, among others.

Questions are also being asked about the possible involvement in South Africa’s elections of the Israeli firm Nikuv International Projects which was paid US$13-million (R138.6-million) to allegedly manipulate voter registration, counter ‘unfavourable’ results and ‘neutralise’ opposition votes in Zimbabwe’s last elections. As it turned out some 109,000 Zimbabwean ‘voters’ were found to be aged over 100, while 2-million young voters were kept off the voters’ roll. Nikuv has managed elections in a number of other African countries including Zambia, Angola and Nigeria.

Unless firm and transparent steps are taken to address issues around possible irregularities raised by opposition parties and other observers, the outcome could yet be challenged. It is up to the IEC and the government to demonstrate their willingness to fully protect the integrity of the elections.

Dealing with the escalating violence will be more difficult. Although police have been heavily criticised for their actions that caused a number of deaths during some of the township protests, the police have actually done a commendable job considering the sheer volume of protests and the high levels of aggression and destructiveness displayed by protesters. Also, they did well to keep the DA and ANC supporters apart in Johannesburg as well as the EFF and ANC supporters in Thembisa.

But whether they have the numbers and resources to contain any rapid escalation of violence is another question. And violence of any kind before and during the elections will contaminate the outcome.

In conclusion, the onset of peaceful and fair political competition in the democratic South Africa in 1994 coincided with Nelson Mandela taking the political helm. Ironically, if this year’s elections turn out to be violent and not fair, it will coincide with Mandela’s recent final departure…and this time he will not be around to calm things down as he did in 1994.